Xi Jinping will host APEC leaders in Shenzhen on Nov. 18–19, and the Kremlin has said Vladimir Putin and President Donald Trump could join Xi for a trilateral meeting there. The possible meeting follows reports linking Chinese satellite imagery to a deadly Iranian strike on U.S. troops in Jordan and describing Russian intelligence support for Iran.
On July 17, Iranian ballistic missiles hit a residential compound housing U.S. troops at Muwaffaq Salti Air Base in Jordan, killing three U.S. Army soldiers and wounding four. U.S. officials told The Wall Street Journal that Iran obtained high-resolution satellite images of the base from Chinese sources before and after the attack. They called it the clearest evidence yet that Chinese support for Iran had lethal consequences for U.S. forces. The officials did not name the Chinese entities or accuse the Chinese government of direct involvement. When U.S. officials raised the matter, their Chinese counterparts demanded proof and refused to acknowledge that Chinese companies were involved.
Iran’s access to Chinese satellite technology predates the war. The Financial Times reported in April that Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) acquired a Chinese-built satellite, the TEE-01B, in late 2024. The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission (USCC), a body created by Congress, maintains a running timeline of Chinese support for Iran since the war began.
In May, two months before the Jordan strike, the State Department sanctioned three firms based in China over satellite imagery the department said enabled Iranian strikes on U.S. forces. According to the department’s fact sheet, The Earth Eye provided imagery to Iran during Operation Epic Fury, the U.S. military campaign against Iran. Chang Guang Satellite Technology Co. collected imagery of U.S. and allied military facilities in response to Iranian requests, and Meentropy Technology, known as MizarVision, published images detailing U.S. military activity.
The department also said Chang Guang had previously supplied imagery to help the Houthis target U.S. military assets. “The targeting of U.S. service members and partners will not go unanswered,” the department said.
On March 6, in the first week of the war, The Washington Post reported, citing three officials, that Russia was giving Iran targeting information that included the locations of U.S. warships and aircraft. One official called it “a pretty comprehensive effort.” Days earlier, War Secretary Pete Hegseth had said Russia and China were “not really a factor” in the campaign.
On March 23, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said Ukraine’s military intelligence had “irrefutable” evidence that Russia was still supplying Iran with intelligence. Politico reported that month that the Kremlin proposed to stop sharing intelligence with Iran if the United States stopped sharing intelligence with Ukraine, an offer Washington rejected.
In April, after CNN reported that China was preparing to send Iran shoulder-fired missiles, Trump said China would face a 50% tariff if it did. In July, Reuters reported that Iran had signed a deal worth $60 million to $70 million for 300 to 400 Chinese man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS), including QW-12 and FN-16 missiles, through Hong Kong-based Zhongqing Baoshang International Investment. Reuters reported that the first shipment was expected within weeks. China’s Foreign Ministry denied the report.
In September, The Wall Street Journal reported, citing Iranian customs data, that Chinese suppliers sent about 1,300 shipments of dual-use components to Iran’s defense ministry in the first half of 2026. The components included GPS devices, electric motors and aircraft engine parts.
A Reuters investigation published Oct. 29 found that more than 5,000 agencies tied to Iran’s Ministry of Defense imported at least $2 billion in hardware, explosives and heavy-duty trucks between January 2025 and June 2026. Reuters reported that the procurement network found ways around Western sanctions and the U.S. naval blockade. The goods arrived by cargo ship across the Caspian Sea from Russia, by truck from Central Asia, and by freight plane from China. Asked about the findings, China’s Foreign Ministry said it was “unaware of the situation you describe.”
China is also the main buyer of Iranian oil. The USCC found that China buys about 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports. JNS reported that the commission’s fact sheet put Iran’s revenue from those sales at $31.2 billion in 2025, nearly half of Iran’s government budget. On April 24, the Treasury Department sanctioned Hengli Petrochemical (Dalian) Refinery Co., which it called China’s second-largest independent “teapot” refinery and “one of Tehran’s most valued customers.” Hengli’s parent company said the sanctions lack factual basis and legal grounds.
By July, Hegseth was publicly acknowledging cooperation among U.S. adversaries. He told senators that there was “definitely adversary alignment.” Trump raised the issue directly with Xi during Xi’s White House visit in September. U.S. Ambassador to China David Perdue told CNBC that Washington had made clear weeks earlier that any help to Iran, “whether it be intelligence or parts or military equipment, was totally unacceptable,” and that Trump repeated the warning to Xi.
Perdue said Beijing gave assurances that it was not helping Iran. The same week, a senior Iranian official told Reuters that Chinese officials had assured Tehran that China would not limit its economic, political or military ties with Iran under pressure from Trump.
On Oct. 12, Trump wrote on Truth Social that if China and Russia were helping Iran, “it’s at a very low level, but I don’t believe they are at all.” A White House official told Fox News that nothing any outside actor was doing to help Iran was “in any way increasing their ability to target Americans.”
Matthew Kroenig, a former Pentagon and intelligence official, called the reports “highly plausible” and said Trump may be warning Moscow and Beijing privately. Kroenig said advanced air defenses would require approval from the Chinese government and that Russian satellite intelligence would come from state-controlled capabilities. “There are no mom-and-pop shops in St. Petersburg selling this data,” Kroenig said.
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